FOR ENGLISH VERSION PLEASE GO AT THE END OF THE ITALIAN ARTICLE …
Mubarak
Quando Mubarak è apparso in TV per la prima volta la notte del 25 gennaio, non ha fatto nessuna concessione ai manifestanti per quanto le pressioni della piazza e internazionali fossero forti. Il suo rifiuto non mi ha stupito, avendo vissuto per tanto tempo al Cairo, non mi ha colto di sorpresa. C’era qualcosa nel suo atteggiamento che m’infastidiva, ma non riuscivo a capire.
Alla seconda apparizione sui network nazionali e internazionali, sono venuto a capo del mio personale dilemma. Ciò che mi ha colpito, è stata la sua mimica. Mubarak era indispettito, questo milione e mezzo di sudditi erano una mosca che lo infastidiva. In Egitto il popolo non è popolo, almeno fino al risveglio del 25 gennaio. Il Rais è come tutti i ricchi e magnati egiziani che liquidano con una mancia di 5/10 pound i propri servi, fanno favori cercando di sistemare i figli di questi diseredati nella pubblica amministrazione, ma sono solo briciole dei miliardi che piovono nelle loro tasche con il turismo e le costruzioni. Ciò che è chiaro nella mente dei tycon egiziani è che la plebe rimanga tale e che rimanga intrappolata dentro il suo rigido ceto sociale.
Mubarak pensa di togliersi di mezzo il popolo con uno buffetto sulla spalla. Ha provato a schiacciarlo con il suo apparato poliziesco che a sua volta non vuole perdere i privilegi che lo status quo gli garantisce. Il 10% della popolazione ha continuato ad arricchirsi su 70 milioni di individui, relegati a un ruolo di comprimari subordinati alle angherie della polizia e alla corruzione del regime. Il popolo egiziano si è svegliato dopo più di mezzo secolo, con esattezza dal 1922, e ora non potrà più tornare indietro a meno che Mubarak non voglia tentare una soluzione alla Pinochet, ma in tal caso le democrazie occidentali saranno costrette ad abbandonare l’Egitto oppure a smettere di emanare proclami sulla libertà e la democrazia.
Mubarak era e rimane un militare, e quindi troppo orgoglioso per abbandonare il potere in un modo che reputa umiliante. L’ha detto a chiare lettere nella seconda apparizione TV: morirà in territorio egiziano e neanche gli USA potranno metterlo fuori gioco tanto facilmente. Non perderà l’aplomb da signore indispettito, ma anche se dovesse lasciare domani, come sarebbe possibile modificare la costituzione per un sistema più democratico avendo una vacanza di potere? E come sarebbe possibile fare le riforme quando in parlamento siedono per quasi il 95% membri del PND? A questo proposito sarebbe più opportuno indire un’assemblea costituente e, forse, la situazione attuale con Souliman vice-presidente con i mano tutti i poteri effettivi, relegando Mubarak a un ruolo comprimario di presidente pro-forma, è il male minore piuttosto che ritrovarsi con un paese di 80 milioni di persone precipitato nel caos e nell’anarchia.
La voce grossa che fanno gli USA e gli europei, sembra più uno spauracchio per i loro slogan democratici, e sarebbe da chiedere cosa stia veramente succedendo dietro le quinte della diplomazia e dell’esercito egiziano per capire quale sarà il prossimo Egitto. Chiunque verrà dopo Mubarak, dovrà fare i conti non solo con gli USA e l’Europa, ma con un popolo che ormai ha preso coscienza di sé e che non sarà più remissivo come gli ultimi sessant’anni. Un popolo che chiede democrazia e libertà, ma non sotto vestigia occidentali, ma secondo la cultura e la tradizione locali, un popolo che in questo momento è alla ricerca disperata di leader politici che l’attuale regime ha fatto in modo di sopprimere durante gli ultimi vent’anni. Perché se gli egiziani hanno avuto il coraggio di ribellarsi al tiranno, non saranno tanto disposti a mettersi sotto un altro regime altrettanto dispotico, qualunque sia il suo connotato politico o religioso.
ENGLIGH VERSION
When Mubarak appeared on TV for the first time the night of January 25th, he made no concession to the protesters even though their pressures, and the international one, were very strong. His refusal did not surprise me, I lived in Cairo for so long to get impressed so quickly. There was something in Mubarak’s attitude that annoyed me, but I could not understand at the beginning.
At his second appearance on national and international networks, I came out from my personal dilemma. What struck me was his facial expressions. Mubarak was angry, really angry. This million of subjects in Tahrir square was a fly that bothered him. In Egypt people are not people, at least until the awakening of January 25th. The Rais is like all other Egyptian tycoons and rich men who pay off a tip of 5/10 pounds to their servants or favour them accommodating their poor children appointing them into the public service, but this kind of charity is just crumbs from billion of dollars raining down in their pockets with tourism and constructions. What is clear in the minds of Egyptians Tycon is that the plebs has to remain plebs, and it has to which remain trapped inside its rigid social classes.
Mubarak thinks that people are like a fly to pat on from his shoulder. He tried to crush the population with his police apparatus which does not want to lose its privileges granted by the current regime. Only 10% of the population has continued to gain and get richer and richer exploiting 70 million people, who are relegated to a subordinated role, subjected to harassment the police and the corruption of the regime. The Egyptian people has woke up after more than half century, precisely since 1922 when there was the real revolution, and now the Egyptians will never go back unless Mubarak want to endeavour a Pinochet solution, but in this case the Western democracies will be forced to leave Egypt on its own, or stop issuing proclamations on freedom and democracy values.
Mubarak was, and remains, a military man, who is too proud to forfeit power in a way that he considers humiliating. He told it clearly in the second TV appearance: he will die in Egypt and even the U.S. cannot put him out of the game easily. He will not lose the aplomb of a vexed gentleman, but even if he will leave tomorrow, how would it be possible to change the constitution for a more democratic system with a vacating power? And how could be possible to make reforms when the parliament is almost 95% PND’s members? In this regard it would be better to convene a constituent assembly and, perhaps, the current situation, with Souliman as vice-president with in his hands all the effective powers and Mubarak relegating to a pro-forma president’s role, is the lesser evil rather than being left with a country of 80 million people plunged into chaos and anarchy.
The claims, that U.S. and the Europeans make, seem more a bugbear for their democratic slogans, and would be interesting what is actually happening behind the diplomatic and Egyptian army scenes, in such a way to understand what will be the next Egypt. Anyone will come after Mubarak, will have to cope not only with the U.S. and Europe, but with the Egyptian population who now have become aware of themselves and will no longer be submissive as the last sixty years. A population who is demanding democracy and freedom according to the local culture and tradition, a population who is looking desperately for political leaders who were suppressed by the current regime during last twenty years. If the Egyptians had the courage to rebel against the tyrant, they will not be willing to lay under another despotic regime, whatever political or religious connotation it will have.
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It’s arresting that Tantawi and the army are trusted by the Egyptian people because Mubarak was from the army, so the civilian regime is just window-dressing for the army. If I were an Egyptian I would find it very difficult to trust the army. The army is so involved in Egyptian industry and commerce. The army will lose a lot if something other than the state capitalism currently operative is replaced by democracy and something like liberal economics. Will it be Arab socialism, that long ago discredited nonsense from the Nasser era? Or could some kind of Islamic republic replace the current order?
I would be curious to know how large a stake the mid-level officer class of the Egyptian Army has in the current Egyptian economy. Is the average lieutenant, captain, or major pulling down thousands of dollars or tens of thousands of dollars? Why would they be so willing to give up their privileged stake in the Egypt of Mubarak, now of Tantawi? And if the mid-level officer class has a small stake, isn’t it easy enough for the upper-level officer class and the powerful civilian elite to merely offer them a larger stake to maintain the status quo more or less as it is. Dress the old dirty whore of Egyptian democracy in some glittering new rags?
And what about the Muslim brotherhood? Are they so willing to participate in pluralistic democracy on the same level playing field with openly secular political parties? Why would they be willing to do so? They are far and away the most organized political grouping in Egypt, and power and wealth are almost now laying around ready to be seized by any group with strong initiative.
However, in a chaotic situation predictions are not easy. But nothing is new here. People are people. Powerful and wealthy people always seek to maintain their privilege. Organized groups on the outside of a power structure always seek to attain what has been held away from them. Unfortunately, the Egyptian people are not organized and they are not part of the power structure. So we shall see who gets what.